2026 will be a deeply turbulent year in Peruvian politics. Until now, the most common thing to read is content related to the general elections to be held in April. In this election, beyond the presidential candidates, senators (on two lists, one regional and one national), deputies, and members of the Andean Parliament will be elected. Between the presidential slate (3), the senate (60), deputies (130), and Andean parliamentarians (5), 198 positions will be elected in April. Naturally, this sounds overwhelming. However, in October, Peruvians will go to the polls again, but this time to elect regional and local authorities. In this election, including regional governors and vice-governors, councilors, mayors, and provincial and municipal councilors, the October election will be the starting point for 12,452 public positions. While it's true that we can look forward to the April election today, the second one is just as important, and therefore the parties and, of course, the public, must keep an eye on it and prepare for it.

   The main problem we will face as a country heading into the October 2026 regional elections is nothing more than a simple magnification of the problems we will face in the April elections. It has not been surprising to read in the local press about the "savannah" that will be the April ballot, a product of the proliferation of political parties participating. Just as each party must present a series of lists (some for a single national district, and others specific to each region), this exercise must be repeated in October, with each party presenting candidates on an endless list of districts and provinces across Peru, as well as closed lists of councilors and aldermen. This not only presents an enormous complication for voters, but also for the parties, which must not only strengthen their bases throughout the country, but also guarantee the suitability of their candidates and ensure, at least to a minimum extent, political homogeneity across all their candidacies. A priori, this sounds like an impossible task for so many parties that, to this day, are unable to even define themselves within the already reductive and generalizing spectrum of left and right. However, this task must still be fulfilled by the parties, in order not only to maintain a minimum of legitimacy among a deeply dissatisfied electorate, but also to guarantee themselves a chance of long-term institutional survival. 

    This electorate disaffection is another crucial issue to address in the analysis that must be conducted prior to these regional elections. According to the European Union's multi-year program for Peru, the Peruvian electorate has the lowest scores in the region for "system support" and, worse still, the second worst in support for democracy. In the specific case of local and regional governments, this disaffection can easily be detected as a product of the "chieftaincy" that develops over time in the municipalities of our country's regions. While it is true that many of these "chieftains" of local politics end up being popular politicians (the best-known is undoubtedly Cesar Acuña in La Libertad, but there have also been cases such as Yvan Vásquez in Loreto or, more recently, Wilfredo Oscorima in Ayacucho), this popularity is not necessarily the product of good management perceived by the population. On the contrary, these figures generally feed on populist and personal agendas to rise to power, and once in power, they divert local resources to build a political machine that, rather than fostering popularity for their candidacy, actually hinders the success of potential opponents. This, beyond affecting the democratic quality of local elections, alters the rationale by which the various administrations in power elect officials or allocate budgets. From following an order of priority based on the needs of the region, they decide to prioritize projects that facilitate, at best, boosting their image; and at worst, benefit from acts of corruption. In this way, these "bosses" of regional and local politics create organizations that guarantee the perpetuation of local power for small regional leaders, alienating a citizenry increasingly dissatisfied with the lack of results in municipal and regional administrations.

    Local and regional governments are often the first face of the Peruvian state to citizens. They provide basic services such as security, garbage collection, street lighting, sewage treatment, and many other services. That's why, in an ideal world, local authorities have a more pragmatic than programmatic role: identifying the population's problems and providing solutions. If political parties want to avoid the erosion of their legitimacy in the face of an increasingly disgruntled citizenry, with one year to go, it's very important to start thinking about October, and not just racing ahead in April.