Apex Perú

Not all are illegal

By Nicolás Vargas Varillas

The current wave of insecurity and violence sweeping Peru should serve as an opportunity to reflect on the crime circuits that exist in our country, and how both the private and public sectors can contribute to stopping them. Over the years, we have been horrified by “minor” or “street” crimes, such as muggings, robberies or kidnappings on the street, however, we are even more surprised when, upon seeing about the criminal gangs that incur in these acts, we discover that they are linked to much larger criminal organizations and endowed with a complex structure, which can then make it difficult to have a strategy to face crime. One issue that I personally believe is important to study, however, is the link between crime, criminal organizations, and illegal economies, and how this nefarious combination manages to create “the perfect storm” for chaos and insecurity in some parts of the country, where total and absolute misgovernment reigns. For this, I will build in this article on two cases that I have had the opportunity to study closely for different reasons: one being the infamous case of the VRAEM, and the other that of Chala, on the northern coast of the department of Arequipa.
The case of the VRAEM is one that we are all too familiar with in Peru. The coca-growing basin has not only been the most important centre of cocaine cultivation and production in the country, but has also served as a magnet to attract an endless number of economic activities (formal, informal, illegal) that arrive there given the logical presence of people who, in search of a better future for their families, feel compelled to become part of the dynamic economy that the coca leaf provides. Thus, in the towns of San Francisco, Kimbiri, Pichari or Santa Rosa it is very easy to find hotels, restaurants, workshops or supermarkets full of people working in the parasitic economic activities of drug trafficking, often these businesses are not owned by locals from the VRAEM, but by Huantino, Huamanguino or Cusquenian migrants attracted by the possibility of having a prosperous business of their own. The dynamism of the area is such that it is not uncommon to walk through Huanta or Huamanga and see caravans of 4x4 pickup trucks that act as buses to the different towns in the Apurímac River valley, as well as bus stops full of people queuing for a seat to the jungle along the route, which, by the way, is not completely paved.

The case of Chala is not very different. Chala used to be an important port for the cattle ranching population of the southern part of the Ayacucho region, specifically those from the provinces of Lucanas, Parinacochas and Paucar del Sara Sara. The merchants of this area used to go down to the Arequipa port in order to ship their cattle to the city's dock, which was also very important for the fishery, which was then sold in other parts of the country. This reality was displaced by the boom in illegal mining, which is a common denominator in the province of Caravelí, to which Chala belongs, as well as in the neighbouring provinces of southern Ica and Ayacucho. On the stretch of the Panamerican Highway South that crosses Chala it is not uncommon today to see a myriad of hardware stores and stores selling equipment useful for small-scale mining, from wheelbarrows and earth strainers to heavy machinery, as well as laboratories where the purity of the extracted ore is defined. However, it is also common to see a proliferation of brothels and bars, many of them informal, and which also end up being a magnet for illegal activities such as the illicit drug trade, or even worse, human trafficking.

With these very brief examples I want to try to bring up a reality, and that is that illegal activities, which the population often recognizes as such, are also engines of local economies, thus promoting a dynamism that allows many people who, in the absence of opportunities, find in the related activities that arise from these illegal economies a chance to bring bread to the table of their homes. This is how the question arises as to how to intervene, from the state but also from the private sector, in places where illegal economies prevail, given that this is not only a question of security (it is no secret the enormous vulnerabilities suffered by, for example, the mining company La Poderosa in Pataz), but also how to help citizens to have access to opportunities to continue developing economically, as well as to provide them with basic public services.
The bad reputation that places like the VRAEM or Chala, as well as Pataz or La Rinconada, have acquired over the years should not be a reason to ignore the complex reality that the local population faces, and should instead be a special motivation to design accompanying policies, since only then can we really combat illegal economies effectively.
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